This report from the Global Alliance for the Future of Food presents 14 case studies of countries that have incorporated food systems into their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) towards meeting the climate goals of the Paris Agreement. It finds that most of the 14 countries have focused their climate efforts on food production as opposed to other parts of the food system such as diet, waste, processing and transport. Many of the assessed NDCs emphasise agroecology and regenerative agriculture as well as ecosystem protection. While many NDCs discuss food systems resilience in the face of climate change, few have put concrete adaptation measures in place.

In this blog post, Kath Dalmeny, Chief Executive of UK NGO Sustain, argues that the cost of living crisis in the UK should be tackled using windfall taxes on large corporations that are reporting record profits; Real Living Wages that are linked to the cost of living; strong safety nets such as free school meals for all children; extending the principle of “public money for public goods” to cover more state spending on food; joined-up local responses to food crises, e.g. through local food poverty alliances; and strong accountability in government for action on food poverty.

This report, by Dr Kelly Parsons from the University of Hertfordshire for the UK’s Food Research Collaboration, examines 12 ways in which food policy can become more coherent across UK government departments, including informal communications, redesigning ministerial portfolios, and multi-stakeholder advisory groups.

This open-access book reflects on how seeds are governed, seeking to move beyond simple descriptions of competing seed system types as traditional or modern, subsistence or commercial, or local or global. It focuses on case studies from Japan.

This book discusses how the governance of British agriculture will be affected by the UK’s exit from the European Union. It looks at profitability, farmers’ rights, environmental protection and animal welfare.

This paper quantifies the resources (raw materials, land, energy and labour) exchanged between the global North and South. It argues that despite the popular perception that imperialist extraction of resources ended when colonial powers withdrew from the global South, rich countries and large corporations exert power to depress the price of resources and labour in the global South. The result is “unequal exchange”: for each unit (defined below) of resources the South imports from the North, the South must export many more units to pay for it.